Otro marxista subversivo de origen judío entregado a la destrucción de Occidente. Y van… Veo que en la wiki (no hay versión española) lo definen como «community organiser», organizador comunitario», es decir, agitador social. A eso se dedicó también Obama, antes de darse cuenta de que en política tendría una carrera más brillante.
Este artículo (Exposing evil – Saul Alinsky) es demoledor. Lo que le espera a América es para echarse a temblar:
Saul Alinsky was a radical leftist and Marxist who have greatly influenced the radical left and American ‘liberals’.
Discover the Networks have got this biography on Saul Alinsky.
Identified a set of very specific rules that ordinary citizens could follow, and tactics that ordinary citizens could employ, as a means of gaining public power
Created a blueprint for revolution under the banner of «social change»
Two of his most notable modern-day disciples are Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama.
Born to Russian-Jewish parents in Chicago in 1909, Saul Alinsky was a Marxist who helped establish the dual political tactics of confrontation and infiltration that characterized the 1960s and have remained central to all subsequent revolutionary movements in the United States.
Alinsky’s revolution promised that by changing the structure of society’s institutions, it would rid the world of such vices as socio-pathology and criminality. Arguing that these vices were caused not by personal character flaws but rather by external societal influences, Alinsky’s worldview was thoroughly steeped in the socialist left’s collectivist, class-based doctrine of economic determinism. «The radical’s affection for people is not lessened,» said Alinsky, «… when masses of them demonstrate a capacity for brutality, selfishness, hate, greed, avarice, and disloyalty. It is not the people who must be judged but the circumstances that made them that way.» Chief among these circumstances, he said, were «the larcenous pressures of a materialistic society.»
In 1946 Alinsky wrote Reveille for Radicals, his first major book about the principles and tactics of «community organizing,» otherwise known as agitating for revolution. Twenty-five years later he authored Rules for Radicals, which expanded upon his earlier work. His writings, and the tactics outlined therein, have had a profound influence on all «social change» and «social justice» movements of recent decades.
Alinsky then proceeded to lay out the method by which radicals could achieve this goal by forming a host of «People’s Organizations» — each with its own distinct name and mission, and each of which «thinks and acts in terms of social surgery and not cosmetic cover-ups.»
These People’s Organizations were to be composed largely of discontented individuals who believed that society was replete with injustices that prevented them from being able to live satisfying lives. Such organizations, Alinsky advised, ought not be imported from the outside into a community, but rather should be staffed by locals who, with some guidance from trained radical organizers, could set their own agendas.
To appeal to the middle class, Alinsky continued, «goals must be phrased in general terms like ‘Liberty, Equality, Fraternity’; ‘Of the Common Welfare’; ‘Pursuit of happiness’; or ‘Bread and Peace.'» He suggested, for instance, that an effective organizer «discovers what their [the middle class’] definition of the police is, and their language — [and] he discards the rhetoric that always says ‘pig’ [in reference to police]. Instead of hostile rejection he is seeking bridges of communication and unity over the gaps…. He will view with strategic sensitivity the nature of middle-class behavior with its hang-ups over rudeness or aggressive, insulting, profane actions. All this and more must be grasped and used to radicalize parts of the middle class.»
A related principle taught by Alinsky was that radical organizers must not only speak the language of the middle class, but that they also must dress their crusades in the vestments of morality. «Moral rationalization,» he said, «is indispensable to all kinds of action, whether to justify the selection or the use of ends or means.» «All great leaders,» he added, «invoked ‘moral principles’ to cover naked self-interest in the clothing of ‘freedom,’ ‘equality of mankind,’ ‘a law higher than man-made law,’ and so on.» In short: «All effective actions require the passport of morality.»
But Alinsky understood that there was a flip side to his strategy of speaking the palatable language of the middle class and the reassuring parlance of morality. Specifically, he said that organizers must be entirely unpredictable and unmistakably willing — for the sake of the moral principles in whose name they claim to act — to watch society descend into utter chaos and anarchy. He stated that they must be prepared, if necessary, to «go into a state of complete confusion and draw [their] opponent into the vortex of the same confusion.»
During the 1960s Alinsky was an enormously influential force in American life. As Richard Poe reports: «When President Johnson launched his War on Poverty in 1964, Alinsky allies infiltrated the program, steering federal money into Alinsky projects. In 1966, Senator Robert Kennedy allied himself with union leader Cesar Chavez, an Alinsky disciple. Chavez had worked ten years for Alinsky, beginning in 1952. Kennedy soon drifted into Alinsky’s circle. After race riots shook Rochester, New York, Alinsky descended on the city and began pressuring Eastman-Kodak to hire more blacks. Kennedy supported Alinsky’s shakedown.»
Alinsky died in 1972, but his legacy lives on as a staple of leftist method, a veritable blueprint for revolution (which he and his disciples euphemistically refer to as «change»). Two of his most notable modern-day disciples are Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama.